This week’s readings left me with more emotions, questions,
confusion, and certainties than any week prior. Lisa Duggan’s short yet
intricate investigation of neoliberalism in The
Twilight of Equality? finally placed a valid label on the political frustration
I have had for years; true to the duality and hypocrisy of neoliberalism
itself, the text was both deeply personal and distant/intimidating. It was
personal in that I resonated strongly with her critique of upward
redistribution (also know as elitism/wealth distribution/capitalism?) and
distant/intimidating in that I felt already defeated at the thought of trying
to challenge/change/reshape something so much larger and more powerful than
myself.
“Opposition
to material inequality is maligned as ‘class warfare,’ while race, gender, or
sexual inequalities are dismissed as merely cultural, private, or trivial”
(xiv). This quote from Duggan’s powerful introduction reminded me of a night at
a Swims family gathering. Reading carefully, I had the frightful thought that I
am more closely associated with neoliberalist ideology than I had previously
thought. My staunchly conservative family comes from a religious background,
and I had only ever labeled them as Republicans. However, as Duggan
convincingly illustrates, it is certainly not that simple. I cannot count the
number of times my grandfather has alluded to the idea that if anyone wants to succeed in life, they
just need to simply pull themselves
up by their bootstraps and “sweat to the brow.” According to most of my
relatives, anyone who is left wanting is viewed as lazy, undeserving, not
working hard enough, etc. In a nutshell, their economic success is a private matter not to be aided nor
inhibited by the government; in this manner, they can take personal responsibility of their lives. Thus, these achievements
can transcend any barriers that may exist due to race, gender, sexuality, and a
multitude of other identity categories.
Within a
neoliberalist framework, this assumption of transcendence is a result of the
refusal to recognize that identity politics cannot be separated from economics
and materiality. Neoliberalism, then, is inherently sexist, racist, and elitist
because it assumes that these identities are not a significant informer of
citizens’ realities. This is what fascinates me most about the ideology because
it masks it so well; at just a glance, neoliberalism might even seem
progressive due to its favoring of multiculturalism. Upon further inspection,
though, you can see that this is just another way to deny the significance of
identity politics in favor of a watered-down, difficult to distinguish group of
people. In this deliberately confusing manner, the hypocrisy of neoliberalism
becomes lost in the mix; government intervention is “good” for private bailouts
while “bad” for public welfare and academic discussions of sex are
simultaneously too personal/private and too political for public forums. Within
this realm of confusion and disregard for important identity categories,
individuals have been reconfigured solely as consumers. Duggan’s argument about
what this means for public life was clear, concise, and accurate: “…many
[people] began to see themselves as consumers of government, expecting the best
return for the price paid in taxes, rather than as citizens supporting an
expansive array of broadly accessible public agencies and institutions” (38). What
happens when we expect a personalized, measurable return from our investment in
the government while simultaneously condemning welfare recipients for the exact
same thing? More hypocrisy, more entitlement, more ignorance… (Side note: Is
Rave Symone a neoliberalist??? http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QXAho8vlmAI)
Another
contradictory neoliberalist ideology is the notion that education is one’s
personal responsibility (42). Mohanty addresses the links between neoliberalism
and higher education this in her chapter “Privatized Citizenship, Corporate
Academies, and Feminist Projects” when she discusses the second revolution of
universities that is defined by the ownership, marketability, and economic
value of research findings (173). This situating of knowledge within the
framework of capitalism and open markets reinforces the notion that anything
and everything is subject to commodification and profitization; however, this
democratic ideal is not producing democratic citizens, but repressing them
(Mohanty 174). As a result, universities are becoming not sites of free
academic inquiry, but sites of policed content by the power elite, as evidenced
by the SUNY conference “scandal” in Duggan’s second chapter. Thus, since education
is heading, if not already completely submerged in, the neoliberalist agenda of
privatization and personal responsibility, can we truly continue to claim the
creation of true democratic citizens?
No comments:
Post a Comment