10/6/2014
In the summer of 2011, I hopped on a
plane and headed to Washington D.C. to attend an education rally and march aimed
at protesting neoliberal attacks on public schools. The timing for the march was
appropriate. It occurred in the wake of the massive Wisconsin protests over
Governor Scott Walker’s attack on collective bargaining. Then, in my own
backyard (Florida at the time), bills were beginning to roll out onto the
floors of the state legislature that would eventually kill tenure for all newly
hired teachers and effectively tie teacher pay to student test scores. There
was an apparent trend emerging among many other states as well. Needless to
say, I went to D.C. out of sheer frustration. I was overwhelmed by feelings of
political powerlessness and a mass of questions that ultimately kept leading me
back to one question: What the hell do I
do about this? I found solidarity
there among 5,000 educators, parents, and students; I realized that I was not
alone in my frustration, my anxiety, or my rage against the injustice I saw
being forced upon the public schools and the people who learn and work inside
them.
It
took me a couple of months to gain my activist bearings about me after that
march, but I have been wholly dedicated to education activism for over two and
a half years now. It has been as invigorating as it has been frustrating. As a
steering committee member for a national education organization, it is often
hard to tell if me and my cohorts are actually ‘steering’ or shaping anything,
for it often feels much more like we are riding on or being sucked away in the
torrents of a social movement. That is, the challenges of defining, agreeing
upon, and then channeling the energies in a productive manner is immense. And
in the small amount of time I have been involved, I have seen people come and
go and larger organizations break down into
"narrow, single-issue lobbying, litigation, and fundraising
organizations" and then disintegrate (p. 67). Given my experience with the
organization, though, Lisa Duggan’s book The
Twilight of Equality? is a particularly fascinating piece. In fact, I was
nothing short of furious by the time I got to the fifth page in the
introduction because of the way she describes the intent and the tactics of
neoliberals and policies.
See,
as a former educator I have watched the gradual standardization of my field
since 2002, and it has resembled much of what de Russy was aiming at in her
university reforms (p. 33). This has been a particularly painful and
infuriating thing to endure not only because I have always felt inherently
creative, but also because I also desire to see the same nurtured in children
and students. The major mechanism for standardizing human beings in schools, and
hence ‘teaching’ the creativity out of them, has been through the utilization
of the high-stakes test. The high-stakes test is problematic for a plethora of
reasons, of course. First, the tests are created by private, for-profit,
testing corporations. In other words, the tests that determine a child’s fate
in K-12 are created inside a corporate black hole: no public oversight exists,
the public (parents and teachers included) are not allowed to see the test, and
because they are considered ‘private,’ the corporation does not have to ensure
their assessments meet scientific standards for validity and reliability. The
second major problem is that legislation functions as a (public) mandate that
requires state governments to purchase the tests from the for-profit
corporations so they can engage in (private) assessment. Thus, billions of tax
dollars are funneled out of taxpayers’ pockets each year, through their schooling
institutions, and into the pockets of private, corporate profiteers.
Finally,
although there are enough problems here to fill a dissertation, there is the
problem that high-stakes tests are not at all dissimilar to IQ tests (p. 39).
In fact, Florida’s newest state test is actually made by the same company that manufactured the IQ
test in the 1900’s. High-stakes tests and their accompanying policies embrace
the bankrupt notion that student growth is somehow quantifiable and thereby
work to reinforce the market-based faith that “If something is not measureable,
then it lacks value” (p. 34). The popularized discourse on testing, meanwhile,
is been geared toward ‘rigor’, international competition in a ‘global economy’,
‘failing schools’, a ‘lazy’ teaching profession, and ‘personal accountability’
when it comes to teaching and learning. Notice the neoliberal focus is on the failure of students, teachers, and a
public institution; it is not aimed at the issues of poverty, underfunding, and
structural inequality that result from tax cuts and the insane expenditures
that schools are now legally required to flush out of the institution and into
private hands.
At
its very core, neoliberal/privatized education policies and the resulting
high-stakes testing industrial complex divert much needed attention and funds
away from those students who most need public support. And by maintaining the
idea that a test is somehow ‘objective’, neoliberals simultaneously divert
attention away from (and money toward) the racist, classist, and culturally and
linguistically biased mechanism of standardization.
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